Conflicting Perspectives in Literature and Film Essays

Conflicting Perspectives in Literature and Film Essays Conflicting Perspectives in Literature and Film Essay Conflicting Perspectives in Literature and Film Essay Essay Topic: The Sound and the Fury Perspectives are subjective judgements on events, situations, and personalities that are informed by an amalgamation of an individual’s personal biases, motivations, and understandings. Conflict is therefore inevitable, following the relative nature of perspectives. As texts are inexorably linked to the perspectives of composers, they can be explored as representations of such idiosyncratic judgements. However, the composer’s ability to manipulate textual elements, respective of their medium, allows them to represent certain events, situations, or personalities selectively and thereby exploit the assumed veracity of any perspective. The malleable nature of perspectives and representations in texts can be explored through Ted Hughes’s 1984 poetic anthology Birthday Letters, Michael Moore’s 2004 documentary Fahrenheit 9/11, and Bernhard Schlink’s 1995 parable The Reader. Conflict arises from the inevitably biased representations within texts which composers can use to advocate a particular perspective. In ‘The Minotaur’, the lexical chain surrounding â€Å"smashed†, â€Å"hammer†, and â€Å"demented† create an atmosphere of violence which characterises Plath’s volatility, continuing the allusion of her â€Å"fury† as a â€Å"high velocity bullet† in ‘The Shot.’ Hughes evokes pathos through the sentimentality attached to his mother’s symbolic â€Å"heirloom sideboard†, effectively presenting himself as a victim of Plath’s volatility to oppose opinions of his detrimental effect on what he describes as the â€Å"goblin† that is Plath’s mentality; â€Å"So what had I given him?† His iniquitous portrayal of Plath is emphasised by the bathos as she was â€Å"demented by my being/twenty minutes late for baby-minding.† The subtle omission of her voice denies conflicting perspectives to oppose his despicable representation of her and allows him to continue it through the assonance of the ‘e’ sound in â€Å"left your mother a de

How to Use the Past Participle in Italian

How to Use the Past Participle in Italian Compound tenses such as the passato prossimo are formed with the present indicative of the auxiliary verb avere or essere and the past participle (participio passato). The past participle of regular verbs is formed by dropping the infinitive ending -are, -ere, or -ire and adding the appropriate final ending: -ato, -uto, or -ito (see tables below). Using Auxiliary Verb Avere The appropriate tense of avere or essere (called the auxiliary or helping verbs) and the past participle of the target verb forms the verb phrase. Avere is used in a myriad of grammatical and linguistic situations. Learning the many conjugations and uses of the verb is crucial to the study of the Italian language. In general, transitive verbs are conjugated with avere. Transitive verbs express an action that carries over from the subject to the direct object: The teacher explains the lesson. The past participle is invariable when the passato prossimo is constructed with avere. Oggi Anna non lavora perchà ¨ ha lavorato ieri.Today Anna isnt working because she worked yesterday. The others worked yesterday too.Anche gli altri hanno lavorato ieri. When the past participle of a verb conjugated with avere is preceded by the third person direct object pronouns lo, la, le, or li, the past participle agrees with the preceding direct object pronoun in gender and number. Avere is an irregular verb (un verbo irregolare); it does not follow a predictable pattern of conjugation. Using Auxiliary Verb Essere When using essere, the past participle always agrees in gender and number with the subject of the verb. It can, therefore, have four endings: -o, -a, -i, -e. In many cases intransitive verbs (those that cannot take a direct object), especially those expressing motion, are conjugated with the auxiliary verb essere. The verb essere is also conjugated with itself as the auxiliary verb. Some of the most common verbs that form compound tenses with essere include: andare - to goarrivare- to arrivecadere- to fall, to dropcostare- to costcrescere- to growdiventare- to becomedurare- to last, to continueentrare- to entermorire- to dienascere- to be bornpartire- to leave, to departrestare- to stay, to remaintornare- to returnuscire- to exitvenire- to come Regular Past Participles Of -ARE Verbs INFINITIVE FORM- PAST PARTICIPLE camminare (to walk)- camminatoimparare (to learn)- imparatolavare (to wash)- lavatotelefonare (to telephone)- telefonato Regular Past Participles Of -ERE Verbs INFINITIVE FORM- PAST PARTICIPLE credere (to believe)- credutosapere (to know)- saputotenere (to keep)- tenuto Regular Past Participles Of -IRE Verbs INFINITIVE FORM- PAST PARTICIPLE capire (to understand)- capitofinire (to finish)- finito(to accept)- graditosentire (to feel, to smell)- sentito Below are examples of the passato prossimo with conjugated forms of the verb avere. Passato Prossimo With Regular Verbs PERSON IMPARARE (TO LEARN) CREDERE (TO BELIEVE) CAPIRE (TO UNDERSTAND) (io) ho imparato ho creduto ho capito (tu) hai imparato hai creduto hai capito (lui, lei, Lei) ha imparato ha creduto ha capito (noi) abbiamo imparato abbiamo creduto abbiamo capito (voi) avete imparato avete creduto avete capito (loro, Loro) hanno imparato hanno creduto hanno capito

Property Management and Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Property Management and Law - Essay Example The terms and conditions under said contract include full repairing obligation by the tenant and seven rent reviews for rent increases only. Brimsdown Spring pays its rents promptly and has abided by all terms and conditions, so far. The term is about to expire on 24 March 2011. In Smalls’ letter, he expressly requested for new tenancy that would include the same length of time as the existing one, but under more favourable terms to them: Landlord takes over responsibility over structure, roof and exterior of the building and; a reduction of the present rent of ?43,500 a year to ?37,500 a year. Mr Smalls also made mention of a newly constructed commercial estate nearby that leases units at ?37,500 a year. RECOMMENDATIONS The Landlord can answer the letter indicating his objection. Such exchanges of communication, however, are not official because they are not in the prescribed form. In the meantime, the landlord can wait for the tenant to formalise its request using the correc t form and oppose the application, or failing that, he can serve his own notice to quit and refuse a new tenancy before the end of 12 months following the expiration of the lease period. RATIONALE Part II of the Landlord and Tenant Act 1954 generally grants security of tenure to leases whose terms go beyond 6 months as implied under s 43(3)(a) of said Act, but this can be opposed by the landlord on any of the grounds allowed by law. This implies that security of tenure is applicable to Brimsdown Spring as a lessor, which further means that despite the expiration of the lease terms it will still be entitled to occupy the premises and continue the lease. Such continuity of lease despite the expiration of the lease period exists until the landlord serves it a notice to quit under s 25 and it serves a counter-notice to renew the lease or it initiates an application to request a new lease. In that case, the court decides for or against any of the parties. The tenant may also initiate the process by a request to renew the lease and the landlord either accepts it or opposes by going to court on any of the grounds allowed by law. In the case of Brimsdown Spring, the letter requesting for a new tenancy does not have any effect. It was not sufficient to serve as a request for new tenancy under the Landlord and Tenant Act 1954 because s. 26(3) thereof expressly states that the request shall not be effective if not contained in the prescribed form setting out the details of the proposals of the tenant such as the new period, the rent and other conditions. Under Schedule 1 of the Landlord and Tenant Act 1954, Part 2 (Notices) Regulations 2004, a request for new tenancy must be made using Form 3 in Schedule II of the aforesaid Regulations. It can be noted in Form 3 that the date of which the proposed new tenancy begins to take place must be indicated whilst a list of the proposed new terms and conditions must be attached to it. Since Brimsdown Spring’s letter had no effect as a request for new tenancy, the Landlord is therefore, free to initiate the termination of the contract under s. 25 of the Landlord and Tenant Act 1954. The prescribed form for this is Form 2, or Landlord’s Notice Ending a Business Tenancy and Reasons for Refusing a New One,

Assess the moral arguments and political actions of those who opposed Essay

Assess the moral arguments and political actions of those who opposed to the spread of slavery in the context of the mexican war and the Kansas-Nebraska act - Essay Example The Kansas-Nebraska act also pushed the country into civil war and divided the nation into two factions. The act also gave rise to a new Republican Party arguing abolishment of slavery. The arguments of Republicans against slavery were based on morality. Republicans treated everyone equally and considered freedom the most basic right. Lincoln said in his famous Lincoln-Douglas Debate â€Å"I agree with Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects—certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man† (Lincoln). It is important to note that those who opposed slavery were not in favor of total social equality between people of all races. However they believed that blacks were also humans and they should be treated with respect. Lincoln was actually afraid that popular sentiment would be in favor of slavery and then it would be impossible to demolish the institution of slavery from America for ever. The moral arguments of Republicans were not ideal but still they provided room for some sort of acceptance of blacks. They were saying that blacks were not equal but this does not mean that their freedom should be taken away. Social equality was not argued but practicality and humanity was made basis for abolishment of slavery. The famous poet James Russell Lowell called those people slaves who did not dare to speak for the weak (344). He was a poet who was strongly against slavery and his poems reflected his passion towards abolishment of slavery. He considered slavery immoral and devoted his poetry against it. Wilmot Proviso can be seen as an attempt to curb the spread of slavery and mitigate differences between pro and anti slavery politicians. It was presented by a Democrat David Wilmot and the

“The Death and the Maiden” D. 810 by Franz Schubert Essay Example for Free

â€Å"The Death and the Maiden† D. 810 by Franz Schubert Essay Franz Peter Schubert was born on the 31st of January 1797 in Lichtental, Austria which is near Vienna. He has fifteen brothers and sisters, but only five of them live to see their first birthday. The father, Franz Teodor is the Principal in a local school. The mother, Elizabeth Viets was a cook in a Viennese family. When Franz Schubert was just five-year-old he started playing the violin and his teacher was his own father. Three years later, Michael Holzer, who was the parish priest in the town, started to teach the eight-year-old composer how to play the organ. Franz Schubert composed his first piece at the age of just ten. In 1808, he started singing in the courtier choir. Not only he was a soloist in the choir but did he play in the section of second violins in the orchestra. This way, he came to know the music of Joseph Haydn and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart. At this time, Shubert was taught by Antonio Salieri. After graduating from a teaching seminary in 1814, Schubert worked as a teacher alongside his father until 1818. The three year period between 1818 and 1821 is probably the toughest test in the composer’s life. Shubert was trying to earn enough giving private lessons but the money was really insufficient. He was not able to find a full-time job either, so he had to live with some of his friends – other composers and poets. In 1818 and 1820 as a musical teacher of count Esterhazy’s daughters, the young composer had the chance to visit Hungary. Schubert learnt a lot about the Hungarian national music and the Gypsy music during these visits. Suddenly and unexpectedly, his songs become very popular in Hungary and Austria after 1821 when he managed to publish some of his works with his friends’ help. Franz Schubert is the composer of some of the greatest classical master pieces ever written such as â€Å"The Unfinished Symphony† No. 8 D 759, the piano quintet â€Å"The Trout† D. 667, the string quartet â€Å"The Death and the Maiden† D 810 and of course his more than 600 songs. Schubert is also the pioneer of the song cycle genre, composing pieces such as Die Winterreise D.911, and Die Schone Mullerin D. 795. The composer died on November the 19th 1928 in Vienna. This essay has been prepared to examine several different aspects of Franz Schubert’s chamber music by mainly giving examples from the string quartet â€Å"Death and the Maiden† D. 810 and the song â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen† D. 531. Analyses and connection between the poem â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen† by Matthias Claudius, the song and the string quartet â€Å"The Death and the Maiden† by Franz Schubert will also be included. Also, the extent to which Schubert has taken the vocal melody and made it idiomatic for the string instruments will be explored. Most of the Schubert’s songs are really connected with poetry. He used to work with poets such as Goethe and Schiller, who had a huge impact onto the composer’s works. Christoph Wolff suggests that the things which Shubert mostly liked in the Matthias Claudius’ poems were the purity and simplicity of the poetic language. (Bandura-Skoda, Branscombe, 1982, 144). The song â€Å"The Death and The Maiden† D. 531, which was composed by Franz Schubert in 1815 is based on the poem â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen† by Matthias Claudius which was written in 1775. The poem consists of two stanzas as example one shows. Das MadchenDer Tod: Voruber! Ach, voruber!Gib deine Hand, du schon und zart Gebild! Geh, wilder Knochenmann!Bin Freund, und komme nicht, zu strafen. Ich bin noch jung! Geh lieber,Sei gutes Muts! Ich bin nicht wild, Und ruhre mich nicht an.Sollst sanft in meinen Armen schalfen! The Maiden: Death: Pass me by! Oh, pass me by! Give me your hand, you beautiful and tender form! Go, fierce man of bones! I am a friend, and come no to punish. I am still young! Go, rather, Be of good cheer! I am not fierce, And do not touch me. Softly shall you sleep in my arms! Example 1 – The poem â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen†. It is clear to see that the poem is in a form of a dialog between â€Å"The Maiden† and â€Å"The Death†. A key feature in the first stanza is the short sentences, ending with an exclamation mark. This shows that the girl is frightened and afraid of â€Å"The Death†. On the other hand, â€Å"The Death† in the second stanza is meant to be scary and dangerous, but instead of that it sounds harmless and even makes a compliment in the opening words: â€Å"Give me your hand, you beautiful and tender form†. Anyhow, there is an interesting fact about the title of the poem â€Å"Der Tod und Das Madchen†, therefore the names of the song and the string quartet by Schubert â€Å"The Death and The Maiden†, which is the reverse order of the two stanzas compare with the title which shows the serious presence of Death even before the opening words. The song â€Å"The Death and The Maiden† D. 531 by Schubert is logically as contrasting as the poem which it is based on. The opening eight bars of the song are just an introduction to the following piece. From bar nine onwards, Schubert uses very smart resources to establish the scary and anxiety atmosphere such as chromatism and quicker metric rhythm, as it can be seen on example two. Example 2 – the song â€Å"The Death and The Maiden† D. 531 It can be said that the Maiden is giving up resisting the Death between bars sixteen and twenty-one and there are few evidence supporting this idea. Firstly, the vocal line is going downwards which is a sign of humility. Secondly, the metric rhythm in these six bars is calm and uninterested, exactly as it was in the very opening of the song. Lastly, the fermata in bar twenty-one could be the final clue that the Maiden is already given up fighting. After this really dramatic moment for the listener, Schubert introduces the second character in the piece – â€Å"The Death†. (Bandura-Skoda, Branscombe, 1982, 152) The composer sets the tempo of the introduction as a tempo for the second part of the song. There is a little dynamic detail, however really important. The dynamic in the first part of the song (the part of â€Å"The Maiden†) is p while in the second part (the part of â€Å"The Death†) is pp. By using this technique, Shubert makes the lyrics of â€Å"the Death† sound even more shocking. The opening words in the second stanza are so important that the composer keeps the vocal line on the tonic of D minor for nearly six whole bars. The words: â€Å"Gieb deine Hand, du schon und zart Gebuild!†, which translates as follows: â€Å"Give me your hand, you beautiful and tender form!† are accompanied by quite a simple harmony pattern. Schubert uses the tonic of the D minor in the first bar of the second part of the song and then the sub-dominant is used in the second bar which develops into its first inversion in the following bar. The composer goes back to the tonic in the fourth bar, but just to set a much more interesting harmonic pattern for the second verse of the stanza: â€Å"Bin Freud, und komme ni cht, zu strafen†, which means: â€Å"I am a friend, and come not to punish†. In the fifth bar of the second part of the song the chord being used is the first inversion of the supertonic seventh which changes to the second inversion of the same chord in the first part of the following bar. However, the chord used in the second part of the bar in question, which is bar six of the second part of the song, is the seventh of the sub-dominant. The composer uses bar seven for a transition to the new key of F major, which is established in the eighth bar. The harmony is being changed from sub-dominant to the tonic of F major and back to the first inversion of the sub-dominant in the frames of the next bar. During the next two bars – ten and eleven, the tonic – sub-dominant movement in F major continues. â€Å"The Death† ends with the words: â€Å"Sollst Sanft in Meinen Armen Schafen† which translates as: â€Å"Softly shall you sleep in my arms†. Schubert goes back to D minor in this last passage; also, the composer uses the â€Å"French† augmented 6th for the word â€Å"Schlafen†. This chord seems to be the perfect one to finish the idea of â€Å"the Death† with, as it sounds unsure, uncomfortable and probably harmless. Immediately after that, in the last seven bars, Schubert unexpectedly uses D major, as if to show the public that â€Å"the Death† has no bad intentions. These harmonic patterns and the lack of melody movement in the second stanza can only characterize â€Å"the Death† voice as supernatural and really contrasting to the active voice part in the first stanza. (Bandura-Skoda, Branscombe, 1982, 153) As already said above, the song is based on the poem, which is the reason for some absolutely striking similarities between the two of them. For example, Schubert clearly differentiates the two stanzas and the two dialogue partners by various terms such as the dynamics and declamatory gestures. The piano dynamic, crescendo and diminuendo in the first part of the song correspond to the short and disjunct phrases in â€Å"the Maiden† part of the poem. Likewise, the pianissimo dynamic in the second part of the song is in harmony with the long and conjunct phrases in â€Å"the Death† part of the poem (Bandura-Skoda, Branscombe, 1982, 150). However, an interesting fact is that Schubert does not use two different voices for the two stanzas. This perhaps was his way of making the dramatic dialogue between â€Å"the Maiden† and â€Å"the Death† even more effective. In fact, Schubert uses a material which was previously written by him quite often. For example, the famous piano quintet in A major D. 667 is based on the song â€Å"the Trout† D. 550. Similarly, â€Å"the Wanderer† D. 493 supplies with material the C major fantasy D. 760. As it was already mentioned above, the String Quartet D. 810 â€Å"The Death and the Maiden† is based on the song D. 531. More precisely, the second movement of the string quartet, which consists of one main theme and five variations, is completely based on that song. The main theme can be divided into three parts: A, B and C. Example 3 – Comparison of the first eight bars of the second movement of the string quartet (above) and the song (below) The A section, which is shown on example three above, is almost directly taken from the song. Afterwards, between bars nine and sixteen, which is section B, the music is getting livelier and vivid, just to correspond perfectly to â€Å"the Maiden’s† feelings. The C section of the main theme, between bars seventeen and twenty-four, is again calm exactly as â€Å"the Death† in the Claudius’s poem is. The first twenty-four bars are probably the most beautiful and angelic, yet incredibly simple, in the Romantic era. However, the simplicity of the whole passage is what makes it so genuine. For example, the note G is repeated thirteen times between bars seventeen and twenty-four in the part of the first violin, while the note B is repeated fourteen times in the viola part. Anyhow, the feature which makes these bars sound so perfect is t he harmony pattern which is shown on example four. Example 4 – Harmonic analysis of bars seventeen to twenty four of the second movement of the string quartet The first variation starts in bar twenty-five. Basically, the harmony pattern is the same to the one in the original theme. This time, however, the second violin and the viola provide the harmony which was previously played by the whole quartet. The inner-voices sustain the key feature in this variation in triplets throughout. The cello is providing the foundation of the whole passage by playing strong quaver pizzicato notes. The first violin part is really interesting in this variation, because it has very much a supporting role, something unusual, especially at the beginning of a piece. The notes played are part of the chord played by the rest of the group. This first of five variations is somehow more tensed and emotional compare to the original theme in the movement. This is probably to underline â€Å"the Maiden† fright when she tries to escape â€Å"the Death† at the beginning of the poem. In the second variation, there is a lead singing part – the cello. It is interesting to see how this melody corresponds to the original theme, which can be seen on example five. Example 5 – Comparison between the cello part in the 2nd variation (above) and the original theme (underneath) The second violin provides a second voice, which supports the main tune. It is a unique accompaniment because of its multitasking. The dotted quavers form the supporting voice which was mentioned above, while the semi-quavers complete the first violin and the viola accompaniment roles, as it can be seen on example six. Example 6 – The unique, multitasking second violin part in the second variation. The role of the viola throughout this variation is to provide a strong base part. Schubert achieved that with very simple but incredibly effective rhythm – quaver, quaver rest and two quavers. This pattern repeats for twenty-four bars. The first violin part has an ornamental function again, likewise in the first variation. It can be said, that the harmonic patterns remains similar to these at the beginning of the piece, however, there are simply more notes played in this variation which is the reason for the more tensed and excited feelings. The third variation is an absolute shock for the listener. It is a kind of culmination of the feelings which have been building up so far in the movement. This variation is unlike any of the rest in terms of role playing of the four instruments. The key feature in the third variation is the rhythm which is presented mainly by the second violin and the viola, while still reminiscing about the main theme with all the quavers, as example seven shows. Example 7 – Strong rhythmic second violin and viola parts, which still reminisce about the main theme. The first violin and the cello have a similar job of playing big three-part chords later on, which create additional tension in the music. There is an interesting fact that the original theme and the previous two variations finished in the key of G major. In the third one, however, all four instruments resolve to a single G note. The composer surprises the listener again with the fourth variation. Having listened to the previous really tensed and exciting variation, Schubert introduces very light and beautiful music in G major. A similarity to the main theme has been found in this variation, as shown on example eight. Example 8 – Similar material in the fourth variation and the main theme. The first violin is playing an accompanying role again in this variation, but this time, so lyrical and smooth, that it can be described as a counter-melody. The last part of this variation is in C major, which is the first significant change of tonality so far in the movement. By going back to the more relaxed music in this variation, the composer hides the return to the home key of G minor perfectly, as he prepares the listener for the end of the movement. In this final fifth variation, the second violin and the viola play a version of the main theme which has been played in the first variation, but this time much more lyrically. Schubert uses some voice exchange between the two of them as well. This time the cello part has the job of providing the base. It is a very simple ostinato movement, but again, incredibly effective for the listener as example nine shows below. Example 9 – The ostinato movement of the cello in the last variation The first violin has a very limited part. Starts off with a very long G note, just to continue with a passage, which strongly emphasizes the G minor chord as shown on example ten. Example 10 – The first violin line at the beginning of the fifth variation Of particular interest is the note of the cello in bar one-hundred and thirty which is shown on example eleven. There, the cello reaches the lowest note of the whole piece. This note is greatly emotional for the listener, because this is the point where all the tension and excitement, which has been building up throughout the movement, finally resolves. Example 11 – Bar 130, where the cello reaches the lowest note in the piece The coda of this movement starts in bar one-hundred and forty-four. Schubert uses the material from sections B and C of the original theme. This can be seen in the parts of the second violin, viola and cello while the first violin part is more variative and ornamental then any of the other instruments. It is an interesting fact, that Schubert finishes this movement the same way he finishes the song, with a restatement of the introduction but this time in a major key. Having written more than six-hundred songs, Franz Schubert has a huge contribution to the developing of this genre. His creativeness as a song composer, of course pervade some of his instrumental music as well. It is very difficult to reproduce in great detail what the composer had in mind about his vocal and instrumental works, in order to the fact that the singing techniques and the instruments some two-hundred years ago were so different to what they are nowadays. An interesting fact is the use of slurs in Schubert’s instrumental music. He is the composer who has rarely written a slur which is longer than a string player could manage. The slurs in a string player part correspond to the breaths a singer would take. This proves that even when composing pieces for a string quartet or even a symphony, Schubert uses his vocal techniques all the time. (Montgomery, 2003, 11) Unlike the classical string quartets, the Schubert’s works can be described as â€Å"genuine† according to the violinist Louis Spohr. This means that there is no one leading part, as it used to be during the Classical era, but all four parts are equally important. Therefore, the first violin should not aim to distinguish himself above the other three players by style of delivery or strength of tone. (Montgomery, 2003, pp.12-13) In conclusion, the String Quartet in D minor, D. 810 is one of the greatest chamber music pieces in the classical repertoire nowadays. After listening to such music, the genius of Franz Schubert cannot be questioned in any way. There is a striking fact that, this piece was not published while the composer was still alive. Anyhow, this essay analysed the poem â€Å"Der Tod und das Madchen† by Mathias Claudius, the song â€Å"The Death and The Maiden† D. 531 and the second movement of the string quartet D. 810 by Franz Schubert, by exploring mainly harmony patterns and instrumental voice leading. The strong link between the song and each of the variations from the second movement of the string quartet with the poem by Mathias Claudius has been explained. Schubert himself, in an often-cited letter, refers to the String Quartet in A minor, D. 804 and the D. 810 in D minor as well as the Octet D. 803, in a specific context: â€Å"†¦ I intend to pave my way towards grand symphony in that manner †¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Bandura-Skoda, 1982, 171). There can be no doubt that the D minor Quartet is really experimental and adventurous, which can easily be in the dimensions of the symphonic format in terms of cyclical form and expressive content. Bibliography: 1. Bandura-Skoda, E. Branscombe P. (eds.) (1982) ‘Schubert Studies: Problems of style and chronology’. Cambridge: University Press. pp. 1-25, 143-173, 327-347. 2. Brown, C. (2010) ‘Performing 19th- century chamber music: the yawning chasm between contemporary practice and historical evidence’. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 3. Montgomery, D. (2003) ‘Franz Schubert’s Music in Performance. Compositional Ideals, Notational Intent, Historical Realities, Pedagogical Foundations’. New York: Pedagogical Press. pp. 65-173. 4. Somervell, A. (1927) ‘Schubert: Quartet in D minor and Octet’. London: Humphrey Milford: Oxford University Press. pp. 5-30. 5. Rink, J. (ed.) (2002) ‘Musical Performance’, A Guide to Understanding. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Discography: 1. Schubert, F. String Quartets Nos. 13 and 14, â€Å"Death and the Maiden† (Alban Berg Quartet) EMI Classics, Compact disc, 0077774733359. 2. Schubert, F. String Quartet Nos. 10 and 14, â€Å"Death and the Maiden† (Britten Quartet) EMI Classics, Compact disc, 0724357327350. Music Scores: 1. Schubert, F., 1981, String Quartet in d minor: ‘Death and the Maiden’ D. 810, Eulenberg Edition, Leipzig. Music Score. 2. Schubert, F., 1989, String Quartet: ‘Death and the Maiden’ D. 810, Barrenreiter Edition, Kessel. Music Score. Web-sites: 1. Claudius, Matthias. Der Tod und das Mà ¤dchen / Death and the Maiden. Trans. Emily Ezust. The Lied and Art Song Texts Pages: Texts and Translations to Lieder (2007): http://www.recmusic.org/lieder.

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Self-Motivation Motivation is a vital factor to be a successful leader in work place. Motivation often increases and decreases at the office due to a variety of factors. Higher motivation leads to better productivity and developed quality of work. Keeping motivation levels high helps to achieve more in the workplace. If anyone feeling unmotivated when sit down at workstation productivity will goes down. If employees are demotivated in the work, self-motivation make it easier to stay on track and produce high-quality work. How employee make them self-motivated, following steps are given bellow- People who have a healthy level of self-confidence is probable applicants who is able to control the situation and able to reach goals. Self-confident are more likely to take big goals and tackle challenges that others avoid. Confidence or self-believe, leads to a quiet resolve pushes the individual across to finish. Building personal confidence by taking a mental inventory of past achievements, no matter how small. Remember any strengths or weaknesses that you observed and consider how you can improve upon them. This exercise increases self-motivational energy. Furthermore, goals are always obtainable, but motivation is the oil that helps to achieve victory. Goals give motivation a focus, making goal-setting crucial. When a person run or manage a small work, must set personal and company goals. Self-motivators may consult resources such as books and even attend seminars for motivation, but setting personal and professional goals is important. Positive attitudes are always leads a person to be self-motivated. Success begins as a positive thought, a belief that you can achieve something. A positive thinker sees the "win" before it happens a... ... needs. It is an internal engine, and its benefits show up over a long period of time. Because the ultimate reward in motivation is personal growth. The only way to motivate an employee is to give him/her challenging work for which he/she can adopt responsibility. Motivation is so complex and so important, successful employees always keep eyes on future work. Employees are the company’ best assets. If employees are not self-motivated, it will have a tremendous effect on productivity. The organization’s efficiency will decline by unmotivated employees. Proper motivation of employees is directly associated with productivity and with maintenance factors. Workers who are content with their jobs, who feel challenged, who have the opportunity to fulfill their goals will exhibit less destructive behavior on the job. So, self-motivation is more important than other factors.

The Triumphant Reign of Henry the Viii-V02

â€Å"Alexandru Ioan Cuza† National College Specialization: Philology – Bilingual English Discipline: English The triumphant reign of Henry the VIII Coordinating Professors: Mariana Gaiu Sorina Soaica Student: Irina Stan 2011 Contents Introduction2 1. Social background of the age3 2. Henry VIII9 2. 1 Henry VIII’s character10 2. 2 Cardinal Wolsey11 2. 3 Henry VIII & Christianity12 a)Popular religious idealism12 b)Christian Humanism and the influence of Greek learning14 2. 4 Henrician Reformation16 a)Henry VIII’s first divorce16 )Supreme head of the Ecclesia Anglicana18 c)The dissolution of the religious houses20 2. 5 The matrimonial adventures of Henry VIII22 2. 6 An extension of English hegemony23 a)The Union of England and Wales23 b)Tudor Irish policy24 c)The need to control Scotland25 Conclusions28 Bibliography29 Introduction The age of the Tudors has left its impact on Anglo-American minds as a watershed in British history. Hallowed tradition, native pa triotism, and post imperial gloom have united to swell our appreciation of the period as a true golden age.Names alone evoke a phoenix-glow – Henry VIII, Elizabeth I, and Mary Stuart among the sovereigns of England and Scotland; Wolsey, William Cecil, and Leicester among the politicians; Marlowe, Shakespeare, Hilliard, and Byrd among the creative artists. The splendors of the Court of Henry VIII, the fortitude of Sir Thomas More, the making of the English Bible, Prayer Book, and Anglican Church, the development of Parliament, the defeat of the Armada, the Shakespearian moment, and the legacy of Tudor domestic architecture – there are the undoubted climaxes of a simplified orthodoxy in which genius, romance, and tragedy are superabundant.Reality is inevitably more complex, less glamorous, and more interesting than myth. The most potent forces within Tudor England were often social, economic, and demographic ones. Thus if the period became a golden age, it was primarily because the considerable growth in population that occurred between 1500 and the death of Elizabeth I did not so dangerously exceed the capacity of available resources, particularly food supplies, as to precipitate a Malthusian crisis. Famine and disease unquestionably disrupted and disturbed the Tudor economy, but they did not raze it to its foundations, as in the fourteenth century.More positively, the increased manpower and demand that sprang from rising population stimulated economic growth and the commercialization of agriculture, encouraged trade and urban renewal, inspired a housing revolution, enhanced the sophistication of English manners, especially in London, and (more arguably) bolstered new and exciting attitudes among Tudor Englishmen, notably individualistic ones derived from Reformation ideals and Calvinist theology. In order to present a clear picture of 16th century England, we considered depicting Henry VIII reign in a period of instability from the point of view of religion and state limits.The king’s egoism, self-righteousness, and unlimited capacity to brood over suspected wrongs, or petty slights, sprang from the fatal combination of a relatively able but distinctly second—rate mind and a pronounced inferiority complex that derived from Henry VII’s treatment of his second son. For the first of the Tudors had found his younger son unsatisfactory; on Arthur’s death, Henry had been given no functions beyond the title of Prince of Wales—a signal of unmistakable mistrust. As a result, Henry VIII had resolved to rule, even where, as in the case of the Church, it would have been enough merely to reign.He would put monarchic theory into practice; would give the words Rex Imperator a meaning never dreamt of even by the emperors of Rome, if he possibly could. Henry was eager, too, to conquer- to emulate the glorious victories of the Black Prince and Henry V, to quest after the Golden Fleece that was the French Cr own. Repeatedly the efforts of Henry’s more constructive councillors were bedevilled, and overthrown, by the king’s militaristic dreams, and by costly Continental ventures that wasted men, money, and equipment.Evaluation is always a matter of emphasis, but on the twin issues of monarchic theory and lust for conquest, there is everything to be said for the view that Henry VIII’s policy was consistent throughout his reign; that Henry was himself directing that policy; and that his ministers and officials were allowed – freedom of action only within accepted limits, and when the king was too busy to take a personal interest in state affairs. 1. Social background of the ageThe matter is debatable, but there is much to be said for the view that England was economically healthier, more expensive, and more optimistic under the Tudors than at any time since the Roman occupation of Britain. Certainly, the contrast with the fifteenth century was dramatic. In the hu ndred or so years before Henry VII became king of England in 1485, England had been under populated, underdeveloped, and inward-looking compared with other Western countries, notably France. Her recovery after the ravages of the Black Death had been slow – slower than in France, Germany, Switzerland, and some Italian cities.The process of economic recovery in pre-industrial societies was basically one of recovery of population, and figures will be useful. On the eve of the Black Death (1348), the population of England and Wales was between 4 and 5 millions; by 1377, successive plaques bad reduced it to 2. 5 millions. Yet the figure for England (without Wales) was still no higher than 2. 26 millions in 1525, and it is transparently clear that the striking feature of England demographic history between the Black Death and the reign of Henry VIII is the stagnancy of population which persisted until the 1520s.However, the growth of population rapidly accelerated after 1525: Betwe en 1525 and 1541 the population of England grew extremely fast, an impressive burst of expansion after long inertia. This rate of growth slackened off somewhat after 1541, but the Tudor population continued to increase steadily and inexorably, with a temporary reversal only in the late 1550s, to reach 4. 10 millions in 1601. In addition, the population of Wales grew from about 210,000 in 1500 to 380,000 by 1603.While England reaped the fruits of the recovery of population in the sixteenth century, however, serious problems of adjustment were encountered. The impact of a sudden crescendo in demand, and pressure on available resources of food and clothing, within a society that was still overwhelmingly agrarian, was to be as painful as it was, ultimately, beneficial. The morale of countless ordinary Englishman was to be wrecked irrevocably, and ruthlessly, by problems that were too massive to be ameliorated either by governments or by traditional, ecclesiastical philanthropy.Inflation , speculation in land, enclosures, unemployment, vagrancy, poverty, and urban squalor were the most pernicious evils of Tudor England, and these were the wider symptoms of population growth and agricultural commercialization. In the fifteenth century farm rents had been discounted, because tenants were so elusive; lords had abandoned direct exploitation of their demesnes, which were leased to tenants on favourable terms. Rents had been low, too, on peasants’ customary holdings; labour services had been commuted, and servile villeinage had virtually disappeared from the face of the English landscape by 1485.At the same time, money wages had risen to reflect the contraction of the wage-labour force after 1348, and food prices had fallen in reply to reduced market demand. But rising demand after 1500 burst the bubble of artificial prosperity born of stagnant population. Land hunger led to soaring rents. Tenants of farms and copyholders were evicted by business-minded landlords. Several adjacent farms would be conjoined, and amalgamated for profit, by outside investors at the expense of sitting tenants. Marginal land would be converted to pasture for more profitable sheep-rearing.Commons were enclosed, and waste land reclaimed, by landlords or squatters, with consequent extinction of common grazing rights. The literary opinion that the active Tudor land market nurtured a new entrepreneurial class of greedy capitalists grinding the faces of the poor is an exaggeration. Yet it is fair to say that not all landowners, claimants, and squatters were entirely scrupulous in their attitude; certainly a vigorous market arose among dealers in defective titles to land, with resulting harassment of many legitimate occupiers. The greatest distress sprang, nevertheless, from inflation and unemployment.High agricultural prices gave farmers strong incentives to produce crops for sale in the dearest markets in nearby towns, rather than for the satisfaction of rural subsisten ce. Rising population, especially urban population, put intense strain on the markets themselves: demand for food often outstripped supply, notably in years of poor harvests due to epidemics or bad weather. In cash terms, agricultural prices began to rise faster than industrial prices from the beginning of the reign of Henry the VIII, a rise which accelerated as the sixteenth century progressed.Yet in real terms, the price rise was even more volatile than it appeared to be, since population growth ensured that labour was plentiful and cheap, and wages low. The size of the work-force in Tudor England increasingly exceeded available employment opportunities; average wages and living standards declined accordingly. Men (and women) were prepared to do a day’s work for little more than board wages; able-bodied persons, many of whom were peasants displaced by rising rents or the enclosure of commons, drifted in waves to the towns in quest of work.The best price index hitherto const ructed covers the period 1264-1954, and its base period is most usefully 1451-75 – the end of the fifteenth-century era of stable prices. From the index, we may read the fortunes of the wage-earning consumers of Tudor England, because the calculations are based on the fluctuating costs of composite units of the essential foodstuffs and manufactured goods, such as textiles, that made up an average family shopping basket in southern England at different times.Two indexes are, in fact, available: first the annual price index of the composite basket of consumables; secondly the index of the basket expressed as the equivalent of the annual wage rates of building craftsmen in southern England. No one supposes that building workers were typical of the English labour force in the sixteenth century, or at any other time. But the indexes serve as a rough guide to the appalling reality of the rising household expenses of the majority of Englishmen in the Tudor period. t is clear that in the century after Henry VIII’s accession, the average prices of essential consumables rose by some 488 per cent. The price index stood at the 100 or so level until 1513, when it rose to 120. A gradual rise to 169 had occurred by 1530, and a further crescendo to 231 was attained by 1547, the year of Henry VIII’s death. In 1555 the index reached 270; two years later, it hit a staggering peak of 409, though this was partly due to the delayed effects of the currency debasements practiced by Henry VIII and Edward VI.On the accession of Elizabeth I, in I5 58, the index had recovered to a median of 230. It climbed again thereafter, though more steadily: 300 in 1570, 342 in 1580, and 396 in 1590. But the later ISQOS witnessed exceptionally meagre harvests, together with regional epidemics and famine: the index read 515 in 1595, 685 in 1598, and only settled back to 459 in 1600. The index expressed as the equivalent of the building craftsman’s wages gives an equally sob er impression of the vicissitudes of Tudor domestic life.An abrupt decline in the purchasing power of wages occurred between 1510 and 1530, the commodity equivalent falling by some 40 per cent in twenty years. The index fell again in the 1550s, but recovered in the next decade to a position equivalent to two-thirds of its value in 1510. It then remained more or less stable until the 1590s, when it collapsed to 39 in 1595, and to a catastrophic nadir of 29 in 1597. On the queen’s death in 1603 it had recovered to a figure of 45—which meant that real wages had dropped by 57 per cent since 1500. These various data establish the most fundamental truth about the age of the Tudors.When the percentage change of English population in the sixteenth century is plotted against that of the index of purchasing power of a building craftsman’s wages over the same period, it is immediately plain that the two lines of development and commensure (see graph). Living standards decl ined as the population rose; recovery began as population growth abated and collapsed between 1556 and I560. Standards then steadily dropped again, until previous proportions were overthrown by the localized famines of 1585-8 and 1595-8—though the cumulative increase in the size of the wage-labour force since 1570 must also have had distorting effects.In other words, population trends, rather than government policies, capitalist entrepreneurs, European imports of American silver, the more rapid circulation of money, or even currency debasements, were the key factor in determining the fortunes of the British Isles in the sixteenth century. English government expenditure on warfare, heavy borrowing, and debasements unquestionably exacerbated inflation and unemployment. But the basic facts of Tudor life were linked to population growth. In view of this fundamental truth, the greatest triumph of Tudor England was its ability to feed itself.A major national subsistence crisis was avoided. Malthus, who wrote his historic Essay on the Principle of Population in 1798, listed positive and preventive checks as the traditional means by which population was kept in balance with available resources of food. Positive ones involved heavy mortality and abrupt reversal of population growth. Fertility in England indeed declined in the later 1550s, and again between 1566 and 1571. A higher proportion of the population than hitherto did not marry in the reign of Elizabeth I.Poor harvests resulted in localized starvation, and higher mortality, in 1481-3, 1519—21, 1527-8, 1544-5, 1549-51, 1555-8, 1585-8, and 1595-8. Yet devastating as these years of dearth were for the affected localities, especially for the towns of the 1590s, the positive check of mass mortality on a national scale was absent from Tudor England, with the possible exception of the crisis of 1555—8. On top of its other difficulties, Mary’s government after 1555 faced the most serious mor tality crisis since the fourteenth century: the population of England quickly dropped by about 200,000.Even so, it is not proved that this was a ‘national’ crisis in terms of its geographical range, and population growth was only temporarily interrupted. In fact, the chronology, intensity, and geographical extent of famine in the sixteenth century were such as to suggest that starvation crises in England were abating, rather than worsening, over time. Bubonic plagues were likewise confined to the insanitary towns after the middle 1 of the century, and took fewer victims in proportion to the expansion of population.The inescapable conclusion is that, despite the vicissitudes of the price index the harsh consequences for individuals of changed patterns of agriculture, and the proliferation of vagabondage, an optimistic view of the age of the Tudors has sufficiently firm foundations. The sixteenth century witnessed the birth of Britain’s pre—industrial politi cal economy—an evolving accommodation between population and resources, economics and politics, ambition and rationality. England abandoned the disaster-oriented framework of the Middle Ages for the new dawn of low-pressure equilibrium.Progress had its price, unalterably paid by the weak, invariably banked by the strong. Yet the tyranny of the price index was not ubiquitous. Wage rates for agricultural workers fell by less than for building workers, and some privileged groups of wage-earners such as the Mendip miners may have enjoyed a small rise in real income. Landowners, commercialized farmers, and property investors were the most obvious beneficiaries of a system that guaranteed fixed expenses and enhanced selling prices—it was in the Tudor period that the nobility, gentry, and mercantile classes alike came to appreciate fully the enduring qualities of land.But many wage-labouring families were not wholly dependent upon their wages for subsistence. Multiple occupat ions, domestic self-employment, and cottage industries flourished, especially in the countryside; town-dwellers grew vegetables, kept animals, and brewed beer, except in the confines of London. Wage-labourers employed by great households received meat and drink in addition to cash income, although this customary practice was on the wane by the 1590s.Finally, it is not clear that vagabondage or urban population outside London expanded at a rate faster than was commensurate with the prevailing rise of national population. It used to be argued that the English urban population climbed from 6. 2. per cent of the national total in 1 520 to 8. 4 per cent by the end of the century. However, London’s spectacular growth alone explains this apparent over-population: the leading provincial towns, Norwich, Bristol, Coventry, and York, grew slightly or remained stable in absolute terms—and must thus have been inhabited by a reduced share of population in proportional terms. . Henry VIII Henry VII’s death in 1509 was greeted with feasting, dancing, universal rejoicing—for no one who survived until 1547 could have thought, with hindsight, that it was the accession of Henry VIII that inspired the nation’s confidence. Henry VIII succeeded, at barely eighteen years of age, because his elder brother, Arthur, had died in 1502. Under pressure from his councillors, essentially his father’s executors, Henry began his ‘triumphant’ reign by marrying his late brother’s widow, Catherine of Aragon—a union that was to have momentous, not to say revolutionary, consequences.He continued by executing Empson and Dudley, who were now thrown to the wolves in ritual expiation of their former employer’s financial prudence. Needless to say, these executions were a calculated ploy to enable the new regime to profit from the stability won by Henry VII without incurring any of its attendant stigmas—no one complained th at Henry VIII’s government omitted to cancel the last batch of outstanding bonds until well into the 1520s.Yet Henry VIII had started as he meant to go on; something of the king’s natural cruelty, and inherent assumption that clean breaks with the past could solve deep—rooted problems, was already evident. 2. 1 Henry VIII’s character Henry VIII’s character was certainly fascinating, threatening, and intensely morbid, as Holbein’s great portrait illustrates to perfection.The king’s egoism, self-righteousness, and unlimited capacity to brood over suspected wrongs, or petty slights, sprang from the fatal combination of a relatively able but distinctly second—rate mind and a pronounced inferiority complex that derived from Henry VII’s treatment of his second son. For the first of the Tudors had found his younger son unsatisfactory; on Arthur’s death, Henry had been given no functions beyond the title of Prince of Wale s—a signal of unmistakable mistrust. As a result, Henry VIII had resolved to rule, even where, as in the case of the Church, it would have been enough merely to reign.He would put monarchic theory into practice; would give the words Rex Imperator a meaning never dreamt of even by the emperors of Rome, if he possibly could. Henry was eager, too, to conquer- to emulate the glorious victories of the Black Prince and Henry V, to quest after the Golden Fleece that was the French Crown. Repeatedly the efforts of Henry’s more constructive councillors were bedevilled, and overthrown, by the king’s militaristic dreams, and by costly Continental ventures that wasted men, money, and equipment.Evaluation is always a matter of emphasis, but on the twin issues of monarchic theory and lust for conquest, there is everything to be said for the view that Henry VIII’s policy was consistent throughout his reign; that Henry was himself directing that policy; and that his mini sters and officials were allowed – freedom of action only within accepted limits, and when the king was too busy to take a personal interest in state affairs. 2. 2 Cardinal Wolsey Cardinal Wolsey was Henry VIII’s first minister, and the fourteen years of that proud but efficient ascendancy (15 15-29) saw the king in a comparatively —restrained mood.Henry, unlike his father, found writing ‘both tedious and painful’; he preferred hunting, dancing, dallying, and playing the lute. In his more civilized moments, Henry studied theology and astronomy; he would wake up Sir Thomas More in the middle of the night in order that they might gaze at the ‘stars from the roof of a royal palace. He wrote songs, and the words of one form an epitome of Henry’s youthful sentiments. Pastime with good company I love and shall until I die. Grudge who lust, but none deny; So God be pleased, thus live will I; For my pastance,Hunt, sing and dance; My heart is se t All goodly sport For my comfort: Who shall me let? Yet Henry himself set the tempo; his pastimes were only pursued while he was satisfied with Wolsey. Appointed Lord Chancellor and Chief Councillor on Christmas eve 1515, Wolsey used the Council and Star Chamber as instruments of ministerial power in much the way that Henry VII had used them as vehicles of royal power—though Wolsey happily pursued uniform and equitable ideals of justice in Star Chamber in place of Henry VII’s selective justice linked to fiscal advantage.But Wolsey’s greatest asset was the unique position he obtained with regard to the English Church. Between them, Henry and Wolsey bludgeoned the pope into granting Wolsey the rank of legate a latere for life, which meant that he became the superior ecclesiastical authority in England, and could convoke legatine synods.Using these powers, Wolsey contrived to subject the entire English Church and clergy to a massive dose of Tudor government and ta xation, and it looks as if an uneasy modus vivendi prevailed behind the scenes in which Henry agreed that the English Church was, for the moment, best controlled by a churchman who was a royal servant, and the clergy accepted that it was better to be obedient to an ecclesiastical rather than a secular tyrant—for it is unquestionably true that Wolsey protected the Church from the worst excesses of lay opinion while in office. . 3 Henry VIII & Christianity The trouble was that, with stability restored, and the Tudor dynasty apparently secure, England had started to become vulnerable to a mounting release of forces, many of which were old ones suppressed beneath the surface for years, and others which sprang from the new European mood of reform and self—criticism. Anti – was the most volcanic of the smoldering emotions that pervaded the English laity; an ancient ‘disease’, it had been endemic in British society since Constantine’s conversion to Christianity.By the sixteenth century, English anti-clericalism centered on three major areas of lay resentment: first, opposition to such ecclesiastical abuses as clerical fiscalism, absenteeism, pluralism, maladministration, and concubinage; secondly, the excessive numbers of clergy, as it appeared to the laity—monks, friars, and secular priests seemed to outnumber the laity, and form a caste of unproductive consumers, which was untrue but reflected lay xenophobia; and thirdly, opposition to the jurisdiction of the bishops and Church courts, especially in cases of heresy.It was pointed out by prominent writers, notably the grave and learned Christopher St. German (1460-1541), that the Church’s procedure in cases of suspected heresy permitted secret accusations, hearsay evidence, and denied accused persons the benefit of purgation by oath helpers or trial by jury, which was a Roman procedure contrary to the principles of native English common law—a clerical plo t to deprive Englishmen of their natural, legal rights. Such ideas were manifestly explosive; for they incited intellectual affray between clergy and common lawyers. a) Popular religious idealismPopular religious idealism was another major problem faced by the English ecclesiastical authorities. Late medieval religion was sacramental, institutional and ritualistic; for ordinary people it seemed excessively dominated by ‘objective` Church ritual and obligation, as opposed to ‘subjective’ religious experience based on Bible reading at home. The educated classes, who were the nobility clergy, and rich merchants, knew that traditional Catholic piety and meditation did not lack for subjectivity and individual introspection, but few non-literate persons had the mental discipline needed to meditate with any degree of fulfillment.For ordinary people, personal religion had to be founded on texts of Scripture and Bible stories (preferably illustrated ones), but vernacular B ibles were illegal in England—the Church authorities believed that the availability of an English Bible, even an authorized version, would ferment heresy by permitting Englishmen to form their own opinions. Sir Thomas More, who was Wolsey’s successor as Lord Chancellor, was the premier lay opponent of the commissioning of an English Bible, and ally of the bishops.He declared, in his notorious proclamation of 22 June 1530, that ‘it is not necessary the said Scripture to be in the English tongue and in the hands of the common people, but that the distribution of the said Scripture, and the permitting or denying thereof, dependant only upon the discretion of the superiors, as they shall think it convenient’. More pursued a policy of strict censorship: no books in English printed outside the realm on any subject whatsoever were to be imported; he forbade the printing of Scriptural or religious books inEngland, too, unless approved in advance by a bishop. It wa s a case of one law for the rich and educated, who could read the Scriptures in Latin texts and commentaries, and another for the poor, who depended on oral instruction from semi-literate artisans and travelling preachers. But More and the bishops were swimming against the tide. The invention of printing had revolutionized the transmission of new ideas across Western Europe, including Protestant ideas. Heretical books and Bibles poured from the presses of English exiles abroad, notably that of William Tyndale at Antwerp.The demand for vernacular Scriptures was persistent, insistent, and widespread; even Henry VIII was enlightened enough to wish to assent to it, and publication an English Bible in Miles Coverdale’s translation was first achieved in 1536, a year after More’s death. b) Christian Humanism and the influence of Greek learning Of the forces springing from the new European mood of reform and self-criticism, Christian Humanism and the influence of Greek learnin g came first.The humanists, of whom the greatest was Erasmus of Rotterdam (1467-1536), rejected scholasticism and elaborate ritualism in favor of wit and simple biblical piety, or philosophia Christi, which was founded on primary textual scholarship, and in particular study of the Greek New Testament. Erasmus read voraciously, wrote prodigiously, and travelled extensively; he made three visits to England, and it was in Cambridge in 1511-14 that he worked upon the Greek text of his own edition of the New Testament, and revised his Latin version that improved significantly on the standard Vulgate text.But the renaissance of Greek learning owed as much to a native Englishman, John Colet, the gloomy dean of St. Paul’s and founder of its school. Colet, who was also young Thomas More’s spiritual director, had been to Italy, where he had encountered the Neo-Platonist philosophy of Marsilio Ficino and Pico della Mirandola. He had mastered Greek grammar and literature, which he then helped to foster at Oxford and at his school, and the fruits of his philosophical and literary knowledge were applied to Bible study—especially to the works of St. Paul. The result was a method of Scriptural exegesis that broke new ground.Colet emphasized the unity of divine truth, a literal approach to texts, concern for historical context, and belief in a personal and redemptive Christ. These were exciting ideas, and they inspired both Erasmus and the younger generation of English humanists. The clarion call of humanist reform was sounded in 1503, when Erasmus published A Handbook of a Christian Knight, a compendium, or guide, for spiritual life. (Parvulorum Institutio, 1512-13) This book encapsulated the humanism, evangelism, and laicism that its author had imbibed from Colet, and made Europe uncomfortably aware that the existing priorities of the Church would not do.Erasmus added reforming impetus to traditional lay piety, and his pungent criticisms of the scholasti c theologians, of empty ritual, ecclesiastical abuses, and even the mores of the Papacy, were as stimulating as they were embarrassing. For Erasmus, whose classic satire was Praise of Folly (1514), highlighted his reforming posture by means of his immortal wit, combining the serious, the humorous, and the artistic in peerless texture, and delighting everyone except the senior Church authorities.Wit is an essential literary commodity, and Erasmus drew on his as from a bottomless purse—which was just as well, for it was his sole pecuniary endowment. His effervescent humor flowed quite naturally. Works of piety, that might otherwise have been mere pebbles thrown into the European pond, thus generated ripples that increasingly had the force of tidal waves. The best English exponent of humanist satire in the wake of Praise of Folly was Thomas More, whose Utopia, first published at Louvain in 1516, described imaginary and idealized society of pagans living on a remote island in acc ordance with principles of natural virtue.By implicitly comparing the benign social customs and enlightened religious attitudes of the ignorant Utopians with the inferior standards, in practice, of (allegedly) Christian Europeans, More produced a strident indictment of the latter, based purely on deafening silence—a splendid, if perplexing, achievement of the sort More perennially favored. But to the distress of Erasmus, More abandoned reform for repression and extermination of heresy during his thousand days as Lord Chancellor, and has gone down to history , save in the writings of his a apologists as persecutor rather than a prophet.However, his terrible end in 1535 as a victim of Henry VIII’s vengeance, and his willingness to suffer torment for the truth he had discovered in the (then controversial) dogma of papal primacy, perpetually guarantee that his steadfastness was not a delusion; when the axe fell, Utopia’s author earned his place among the few who hav e enlarged the hori2ons of the human spirit. In fairness to More, the Brave New World of Utopia had been crudely shattered by Luther’s debut upon the European stage in1517. For the Christian Humanists, to their sorrow, had unintentionally, but irreversibly, prepared the way for the spread of Protestantism.In England, the impact of Lutheranism far exceeded the relatively small number of converts, and the rise of the â€Å"new learning†, as it was called, became the most potent of the- forces released in the 1520s and 1530s. Luther’s ideas and numerous books rapidly penetrated the universities, especially Cambridge, the City of London, the Inns of Court, and even reached Henry VIII s Household through the intervention of Anne Boleyn and her circle. At Cambridge, the young scholars influenced included Thomas Cranmer and Matthew Parker, both of whom later became Archbishops of Canterbury.Wolsey naturally made resolute efforts as legate to stamp out the spread of Pro testantism, but without obvious success. His critics blamed his reluctance to burn men for heresy as the cause of his failure—for Wolsey would burn books and imprison men, but shared the humane horror of Erasmus at the thought of himself committing bodies to the flames. However the true reason for Luther’s appeal was that he had given coherent doctrinal expression to the religious subjectivity of individuals, and to their distrust of Rome and papal monarchy.In addition his view of the ministry mirrored the instincts of the anticlerical laity, and his answer to concubinage was the global solution of clerical marriage. 2. 4 Henrician Reformation a) Henry VIII’s first divorce Into this religious maelstrom dropped Henry VIII's first divorce. Although Catherine of Aragon had borne five children, only the Princess Mary (b. 1516) had survived, and the king demanded the security of a male heir to protect the fortunes of the Tudor dynasty.It was clear by 1527 that Cather ine was past the age of childbearing; meanwhile Henry coveted Anne Boleyn, who would not comply without the assurance of marriage. Yet royal annulments were not infrequent, and all might have been resolved without drama, or even unremarked, had not Henry VIII himself been a proficient, if mendacious, theologian. The chief obstacle was that Henry, who feared international humiliation, insisted that his divorce should be granted by a competent authority in England-this way he could de rive his wife of her legal rights, and bully his Episcopal judges.But his marriage had been founded on Pope Julius II’s dispensation, necessarily obtained by Henry VIII to enable the young Henry VIII to marry his brother’s widow in the first place, and hence the matter pertained to Rome. In order to have his case decided without reference to Rome, in face of the Papacy’s unwillingness to concede the matter, Henry had to prove against the reigning pope, Clement VII that his predecesso r’s dispensation was invalid — then the marriage would automatically terminate, on the grounds that it had never legally existed.Henry would be a bachelor again. However, this strategy took the king away from matrimonial law into the quite remote and hypersensitive realm of papal power. If Julius II’s dispensation was invalid, it must be because the successors of St. Peter had no power to devise such instruments, and the popes were thus no better than other human legislators who had exceeded their authority. Henry was a good enough theologian and canon lawyer to know that there was a minority opinion in Western Christendom to precisely this effect.He was enough of an egotist, too, to fall captive to his own powers of persuasion—soon he believed that papal primacy was unquestionably a sham, a ploy of human invention to deprive kings and emperors of their legitimate inheritances. Henry looked back to the golden days of the British imperial past, to the time of the Emperor Constantine and of King Lucius I. In fact, Lucius I had never existed- he was a myth, a figment of pre-Conquest imagination.But Henry’s British ‘sources’ showed that this Lucius was a great ruler, the first Christian king of Britain, who had endowed the British Church with all its liberties and possessions, and then written to Pope Eleutherius asking him to transmit the Roman laws. However, the pope’s reply explained that Lucius did not need any Roman law, because he already had the lex Britunniue (whatever that was) under which he ruled both regnum and sacerdotium: For you be God’s vicar in your kingdom, as the psalmist says, ‘Give the king thy judgments, O God, and thy righteousness to the king’s son’ (Ps. xxii: 1) . . . A king hath his name of ruling, and not of having a realm. You shall be a king, while you rule well; but if you do otherwise, the name of a king shall not remain with you . . . God grant you so to rule the realm of Britain, that you may reign with him forever, whose vicar you be in the realm. Vicarius Dei-vicar of Christ. Henry’s divorce had led him, incredibly, to believe in his royal supremacy over the English Church. b) Supreme head of the Ecclesia Anglicana With the advent of the divorce crisis, Henry took personal charge of his policy and government.He ousted Wolsey, who was hopelessly compromised in the new scheme of things, since his legatine power came directly from Rome. He named Sir Thomas More to the chancellorship, but this move backfired owing to More’s scrupulous reluctance to involve himself in Henry’s proceedings. He summoned Parliament, which for the first time in English history worked with the king as an omnicompetent legislative assembly, if hesitatingly so. Henry and Parliament finally threw off England’s allegiance to Rome in an unsurpassed burst of revolutionary statute-making: the Act of Annates (1532. , the Act of Appeal s (1533), the Act of Supremacy (1534), the First Act of Succession (1534) the Treasons Act (1534), and the Act against the Pope’s Authority (1536). The Act of Appeals proclaimed Henry VIII’s new imperial status-all English jurisdiction, both secular and religious, now sprang from the king-and abolished the pope’s right to decide English ecclesiastical cases. The Act of Supremacy declared that the king of England was supreme head of the Ecclesia Anglicana, or Church of England—not the pope. The Act of Succession was the first of a series of Tudor instruments used to settle the order of succession to the hrone, a measure which even Thomas More agreed was in itself unremarkable, save that this statute was prefaced by a preamble denouncing papal jurisdiction as a ‘usurpation’ of Henry’s imperial power. More, together with Bishop Fisher of Rochester, and the London Carthusians, the most rigorous and honorable custodians of papal primacy and the legitimacy of the Aragonese marriage, were tried for ‘denying’ Henry’s supremacy under the terms of the Treasons Act. These terms inter alia made it high treason maliciously to de rive either king or queen of ‘the dignity, title, or name of their royal estates’—that is to deny Henry’s royal supremacy.The victims of the act, who were in reality martyrs to Henry’s vindictive egoism, were cruelly executed in the summer of 1535. A year later the Reformation legislation was completed by the Act against the Pope’s Authority, which removed the last vestiges of papal power in England, including the pope’s ‘pastoral’ right as a teacher to decide disputed points of Scripture. Henry VIII now controlled the English Church as its supreme head in both temporal and doctrinal matters; his ecclesiastical status was that of a lay metropolitan archbishop who denied the validity of external, papal authority within his territories.He was not a riest, and had no sacerdotal or sacramental functions—the king had tried briefly to claim these but had been rebuffed by an outraged episcopate. Yet Henry was not a Protestant, either. Until his death in 1547, Henry VIII believed in Catholicism without the pope—a curious but typically Henrician application of logic to the facts of so—called British ‘history’ as exemplified by King Lucius I. As a lay archbishop, Henry could make ecclesiastical laws and define doctrines almost as he pleased—provided he did not overthrow the articles of faith.In fact, this gave him a wider latitude than might be thought, because the bishops could not agree what the articles of faith were, beyond the fundamentals of God’s existence, Christ’s divinity, the Trinity, and some of the sacraments. The Greek scholarship of the Christian Humanists had weakened the structure of traditional, medieval Christian doctrine by questioning texts and rejecting scholasticism: a mood of uncertainty prevailed. Before 1529, then, Henry had ruled his clergy through Wolsey; after 1534 he did so personally, and through his new chief minister, Thomas Cromwell, whom Henry soon appointed his (lay) vicegerent in spirituals.A former aide of Wolsey, Cromwell had risen to executive power as a client of the Boleyn interest, and had taken command of the machinery of government, especially the management of Parliament, in January 1532. By combining the offices of Lord Privy Seal and vicegerent, Cromwell succeeded Wolsey as the architect of Tudor policy under Henry, until his own fall in july 1540—but with one striking difference. As vicegerent he was entirely subordinate to Henry; Wolsey, as legate, had been subordinate only as an Englishman.Yet the accomplishment of Henry’s dream to give the words Rex Imperator literal meaning raises a key historical question. Exactly why did the English bishops and abbots, the aristocr acy of the spirit who held a weight of votes in the House of Lords, permit the Henrician Reformation to occur? The answer is partly that Henry coerced his clerical opponents into submission by threats and punitive taxation; but some bishops actually supported the king, albeit sadly, and a vital truth lies behind this capitulation.Those clerics who were politically alert saw that it was preferable to be controlled by the Tudor monarchs personally, with whom they could bargain and haggle, than to be offered as a sacrifice instead to the anticlerical laity in the House of Commons, which was the true alternative to compliance. For as early as 1532, it was on the cards that the Tudor supremacy would be a parliamentary supremacy, not a purely royal one, and only the despotic king’s dislike of representative assemblies ensured that Parliament’s contribution was cut back to the mechanical, though still revolutionary, task of enacting the requisite legislation.It was plain to a ll but the most ultramontane papalists on the Episcopal bench that a parliamentary supremacy would have exposed the clergy directly to the pent—up emotional fury and hatred of the anticlerical laity and common lawyers. The laity, furthermore, were fortified for the attack by the humanists’ debunking of ritualism and superstition. In short, royal supremacy was the better of two evils: the clergy would not have to counter the approaching anticlerical backlash without the necessary filter of royal mediation. c) The dissolution of the religious housesHenry VIII’s supremacy did save the bishops from the worst excesses of lay anticlericalism, and the king’s doctrinal conservatism prevented an explosion of Protestantism during his reign. However, nothing could save the monasteries. Apart from anticlericalism, three quite invincible forces merged after 1535 to dictate the dissolution of the religious houses. First, the monastic communities almost parent instituti ons outside England and Wales—this was juridically unacceptable after the Acts of Appeals and Supremacy. Secondly, Henry VIII was bankrupt. He needed to annex the monastic estates in order to restore the Crown’s finances.Thirdly, Henry had to buy the allegiance of the political nation away from Rome and in support of his Reformation by massive injections of new patronage—he must appease the lay nobility and gentry with a share of the spoils. Thus Thomas Cromwell’s first task as vicegerent was to conduct an ecclesiastical census under Henry’s commission, the first major tax record since Domesday Book, to evaluate the condition and wealth of the English Church. Cromwell’s questionnaire was a model of precision. Was divine service observed? Who were the benefactors? What lands did the houses possess? What rents? and so on. The survey was completed in six months, and Cromwell’s genius for administration was shown by the fact that Valor Ec clesiasticus, as it is known, served both as a record of the value of the monastic assets, and as a report on individual clerical incomes for taxation purposes. The lesser monasteries were dissolved in 1536; the greater houses followed two years later. The process was interrupted by a formidable northern rebellion, the Pilgrimage of Grace, which was brutally crushed by use of martial law, exemplary public hangings, and a wholesale breaking of Henry’s promises to the ‘pilgrims’.But the work of plunder was quickly completed. A total of 56o monastic institutions had been suppressed by November 1539, and lands valued at ? 132,000 per annum immediately accrued to the Court of Augmentations of the King’s Revenue, the new department of state set up by Cromwell to cope with the transfer of resources. Henry’s coffers next received ? I5,000 or so from the sale of gold and silver plate, lead, and other precious items; finally, the monasteries had possessed the right of presentation to about two-fifths of the parochial benefices in England and Wales, and these rights were also added to the Crown’s patronage.The long-term effects of the dissolution have often been debated by historians, and may conveniently be divided into those which were planned, and those not. Within the former category, Henry VIII eliminated the last fortresses of potential resistance to his royal supremacy. He founded six new dioceses upon the remains of former monastic buildings and endowments—Peterborough, Gloucester, Oxford, Chester, Bristol, and Westminster, the last-named being abandoned in 1550. The king then reorganized the ex-monastic cathedrals as Cathedrals of the New Foundation, with revised staffs and statutes.Above all, though, the Crown’s regular income was seemingly doubled-but for how long? The bitter irony of the dissolution was that Henry VIII’s colossal military expenditure in the 1540s, together with the laity’s d emand for a share of the booty, politically irresistible as that was, would so drastically erode the financial gains as to cancel out the benefits of the entire process. Sales of the confiscated lands began even before the suppression of the greater houses was completed, and by 1547 almost two thirds of the former monastic property had been alienated.Further grants by Edward VI and Queen Mary brought this figure to over three—quarters by 1558. The remaining lands were sold by Elizabeth I and the early Stuarts. It is true that the lands were not given away: out of 1,593 grants in Henry VIII’s reign, only 69 were gifts or partly so; the bulk of grants (95. 6 per cent) represented lands sold at prices based on fresh valuations. But the proceeds of sales were not invested – quite the opposite under Henry VIII. In any case, land was the best investment.The impact of sales upon the non-parliamentary income of the Crown was thus obvious, and there is everything to be s aid for the view that it was Henry VIII’s constant dissipation of the monarchy’s resources that made it difficult for his successors to govern England. Of the unplanned effects of the dissolution, the wholesale destruction of fine Gothic buildings, melting down of medieval metalwork and jewellery, and sacking of libraries were the most extensive acts of licensed vandalism perpetrated in the whole of British history.The clergy naturally suffered an immediate decline in morale. The number of candidates for ordination dropped sharply; there was little real conviction that Henry VIII’s Reformation had anything to do with spiritual life, or with God. The disappearance of the abbots from the House of Lords meant that the ecclesiastical vote had withered away to a minority, leaving the laity ascendant in both Houses. With the sale of ex-monastic lands usually went the rights of parochial presentation attached to them, so that local laity btained a considerable monopoly of ecclesiastical patronage, setting the pattern for the next three centuries. The nobility and gentry, especially moderate—sized gentry’ families, were the ultimate beneficiaries of the Crown’s land sales. The distribution of national wealth shifted between 1535 and 1558 overwhelmingly in favor of Crown and laity, as against the Church, and appreciably in favor of the nobility and gentry, as against the Crown. Very few new or substantially enlarged private estates were built up solely out of ex—monastic lands by 1558.But if Norfolk is a typical county, the changing pattern of wealth distribution at Elizabeth’s accession was that 4. 8 per cent of the county’s manors were possessed by the Crown, 6. 5 per cent were Episcopal or other ecclesiastical manors, II. 4 per cent were owned by East Anglican territorial magnates, and 75. 4 per cent had been acquired by the gentry. In 1535, 2. 7 per cent of manors had been held by the Crown, 17. 2 per c ent had been owned by the monasteries, 9. 4 per cent were in the hands of magnates, and 64 per cent belonged to gentry’ families.Without Henry VIII’s preparatory break with Rome, there could not have been Protestant reform in Edward VI’s reign——thus evaluation can become a question of religious opinion, rather than historical judgment. However, it is hard not to regard Henry as a despoiler; he was scarcely a creator. Thomas Cromwell did his utmost, often behind the king’s back, to endow his contemporaries with Erasmian, and enlightened idealism: the Elizabethan via media owed much to the eirenic side of Cromwell’s complex character.But Cromwell’s reward was the block—ira principis mors est. He was cast aside by his suspicious employer, and fell victim to the hatred of his enemies. And without Wolsey or Cromwell to restrain him, Henry could do still more harm. He resolved to embark on French and Scottish wars, triggering a slow-burning fuse that was extinguished only by the execution of Mary Stuart in February 1587. Yet if Henry turned to war and foreign policy in the final years of his reign, it was because he felt secure at last.Cromwell had provided the enforcement machinery necessary to protect the supreme head from spontaneous internal opposition; Jane Seymour had brought forth the male heir to the Tudor throne; Henry was excited about his marriage to Catherine Howard, and was happily cured of theology. 2. 5 The matrimonial adventures of Henry VIII The matrimonial adventures of Henry are too familiar to recount again in detail, but an outline may conveniently be given. Anne Boleyn was already pregnant when the king married her, and the future Elizabeth I was born on 7 September 1533.Henry was bitterly disappointed that she was not the expected son, blaming Anne and God—in that order. Anne had turned out to be a precocious flirt, who meddled fatally in politics: she was ousted and execute d in a coup of May 1536. Henry immediately chose the homely Jane Seymour, whose triumph in producing the baby Prince Edward was Pyrrhic, for she died of Tudor surgery twelve days later. Her successor was Anne of Cleves, whom Henry married in January 1540 to win European allies. But this gentle creature, which Henry rudely called ‘the Flemish mare’, did not suit; divorce was thus easy, as the union was never consummated.Catherine Howard came next. A high-spirited mind, she had been a maid of honour to Anne of Cleves—entirely inappropriately—and became Henry’s fifth queen in July 1540 as the key to the coup that destroyed Cromwell. She was executed in February 1542 for adultery. Finally, Henry took the amiable Catherine Parr to wife in July 1543. Twice widowed, Catherine was a cultivated Erasmian, under whose benign influence the royal children lived under one roof, and were spared the more malign components of Henry’s paternal indulgence. 2. 6 An extension of English hegemonyHenry VIII’s plans for war which were conceived after his marriage to Catherine Howard, and which hardened when he learned of her infidelity, resurrected youthful dreams of French conquests. Wolsey had monitored the king’s futile early campaigns of 1 511-16, and brilliantly transformed Henry’s military failures into the diplomatic prize of the treaty of London (1518). At the Field of Cloth of Gold in 1520, Henry had feted Francis I of France in a Renaissance extravaganza that was hailed as the eighth wonder of the world, for Francis was the king whom Henry loved to hate.More wasteful campaigns in 1522 and 1523 were curtailed by England’s financial exhaustion—then Henry’s policy fell into labyrinthine confusion. England was at war with France; then in alliance with France. In the end, Henry was perhaps grateful for the European peace which prevailed from 1529 to 1536, and even more relieved by the resumed riva lry that kept Habsburg and Valois mutually engaged until the reverberations of the Pilgrimage of Grace had died away. By 1541 Henry was moving towards a renewed amity with Spain against France, but he was prudent enough to hesitate.Tudor security required that before England went to war with France, no doors should be open to the enemy within Britain itself. This meant an extension of English hegemony within the British Isles—Wales, Ireland, and Scotland. Accordingly Henry undertook, or continued, the wider task of English colonization that was ultimately completed by the Act of Union with Scotland (1707). a) The Union of England and Wales The Union of England and Wales had been presaged by Cromwell’s reforming ambition and was legally accomplished by Parliament in 1536 and 1543.The marcher lordships were shired, English laws and county administration were extended to Wales, and the shires and county boroughs were required to send twenty-four MPs to Parliament at Westm inster. In addition, a refurbished Council of Wales, and new Courts of Great Sessions, were set up to administer the region’s defenses and judicial system. Wales was made subject to the full operation of royal writs, and to English principles of land tenure. The Act of 1543 dictated that Welsh customs of tenure and inheritance were to be phased out and that English rules were to succeed them.Welsh customs persisted in remote areas until the seventeenth century and beyond, but English customs soon predominated. English language became the fashionable tongue, and Welsh native arts went into decline. Englishmen have regarded the Union as the dawn of a civilizing process that ended with the abolition of the Council of Wales in 1689 and of the Great Sessions in 1830. Welshmen, by contrast, view Henry VIII’s Acts as a crude annexation, which technically they were—for they were not in the nature of a treaty between negotiating parties as was the case with Scotland in 1 707.In fact, Welsh civilization was already advanced in the sixteenth century, and flourished despite the Acts. Sir John Prise, ia relation of Thomas Cromwell, defended Welsh history against the skepticism of Polydore Vergil; Humphrey Llwyd of Denbigh supported him with geographical learning—and there were others. John Owen of Plas Du, Llanarmon, and New College, Oxford, enjoyed a higher literary reputation abroad during his lifetime than did William Shakespeare, his contemporary. He wrote 1,500 Latin epigrams in the style of Martial.Welsh grammars were compiled to perpetuate the native tongue—by Sion Dafydd Rhys (1592. ), who wrote in Latin in order to reach the widest European audience, and by john Davies of Mallwyd (1621), who publicly justified the utility of Welsh studies. b) Tudor Irish policy Tudor Irish policy had begun with Henry VII’s decision that all laws made in England were automatically to apply to Ireland, and that the Irish Parliament could only legislate with the king of England’s prior consent.English territorial influence, in reality, did not extend much beyond the Pale—the area around Dublin—and the Irish chiefs held the balance of power. Henry VIII ruled mainly through the chiefs before the Reformation, but was obliged to protect England in the 1530s from a possible papal counter—attack launched from Ireland. Lord Leonard Grey was named deputy of Ireland by Cromwell, but his coercive actions proved counter-productive. He was replaced by Sir Anthony St. Leger, who made a fresh start. St.Leger reshaped the Irish policy of the Tudors, and his basic philosophy persisted until 1783. Instead of consolidation and coercion, he proposed friend-ship and conciliation, but the essence of the plan was to create a subordinate national superstructure for Ireland by translating Henry VIII’s lordship into kingship. The kings of England were dominus Hiberniae, not rex. But St. Leger persuaded Henry to assume the Crown—that would overthrow papal claims to feudal overlordship, and subordinate the chiefs to royal authority. Henry assented, and was proclaimed king in June 1541.His understanding was probably that kingship would enhance his security within the British Isles. Moreover, if the idea was to form a framework for peaceful, constitutional relations between the Crown and the Irish nation, that was laudable and altruistic. Yet it was also visionary and impractical. The Irish revenues were insufficient to maintain royal status—a separate Council, Star Chamber, Chancery, and Parliament in Dublin, operating independently of, but subject to controls from, the English Parliament and Privy Council.Above all, kingship committed England to a possible full-scale conquest of Ireland in the future, should the chiefs rebel, or should the Irish Reformation, begun by Cromwell, fail. As it turned out, ‘conciliation’ by benevolent kingship was probably worse than ex ternal ‘consolidation’ and ‘coercion’, since Tudor attitudes to conquest in Ireland were based on experiences in the New World, something the disillusioned Edmund Spenser, who lived in Ireland, pointed out in Elizabeth’s reign. The harsh vicissitudes of Irish history, especially in the seventeenth century, were hardly attributable to Henry VIII and St.Leger. However, the new policy of the Tudors perpetuated the disadvantages both of subordination and of autonomy. In the wake of Irish pressure and the revolt of the American Colonies, the British Parliament abandoned its controls over Ireland in 1783. The Act of Union of 1801 reversed this change in favour of direct rule from Westminster, after which Irish history owed nothing to the Tudors. c) The need to control Scotland Yet the linchpin of Tudor security was the need to control Scotland.James IV (1488-1513) had renewed the Auld Alliance with France in 1492 and further provoked Henry VII by offering support for Perkin Warbeck. But the first of the Tudors declined to be distracted by Scottish sabre-rattling, and forged a treaty of Perpetual Peace with Scotland in 1501, followed a year later by the marriage of his daughter, Margaret, to King James. However, James tried to break the treaty shortly after Henry VIII’s accession; Henry was on campaign in France, but sent the earl of Surrey northwards, and Surrey decimated the Scots at Flodden on 9 September 1513.The elite of Scotland—the king, three bishops, eleven earls, fifteen lords, and some 10,000 men—were slain in an attack that was the delayed acme of medieval aggression begun by Edward I and III. The new Scottish king, James V, was an infant, and the English interest was symbolized for the next twenty years or so by the person of his mother, Henry VIII’s own sister. But Scottish panic after Flodden had, if anything, confirmed the nation’s ties with France, epitomized by the regency of john d uke of Albany, who represented the French cause but nevertheless kept Scotland at peace with England for the moment.The French threat became overt when the mature James V visited France in 1536, and married in quick succession Madeleine, daughter of Francis I, and on her death Mary of Guise. In 1541 James agreed to meet Henry VIII at York, but committed the supreme offence of failing to turn up. By this time, Scotland was indeed a danger to Henry VIII, as its government was dominated by the French faction led by Cardinal Beaton, who symbolized both the Auld Alliance and the threat of papal counter-attack. In October 1542 the duke of Norfolk invaded Scotland, at first achieving little.It was the Scottish counterstroke that proved to be a worse disaster even than Flodden. On 25 November 1542, 3,000 English triumphed over 10,000 Scots at Solway Moss—and the news of the disgrace killed James V within a month. Scotland was left hostage to the fortune of Mary Stuart, a baby born on ly six days before James’s death. For England, it seemed to be the answer to a prayer. Henry VIII and Protector Somerset, who governed England during the early years of Edward VI’s minority, none the less turned advantage into danger.Twin policies were espoused by which war with France was balanced by intervention in Scotland designed to secure England’s back door. In 1543 Henry used the prisoners taken at Solway Moss as the nucleus of an English party in Scotland; he engineered Beaton’s overthrow, and forced on the Scots the treaty of Greenwich, which projected union of the Crowns in form of marriage between Prince Edward and Mary Stuart. At the end of the same year, Henry allied with Spain against France, planning a combined invasion for the following spring.But the invasion, predictably, was not concerted. Henry was deluded by his capture of Boulogne; the emperor made a separate peace with France at Crepi, leaving England’s flank exposed. At ast ronomical cost the war continued

Principles and Practices of Management Essay

Planning is the determination of the course of the objectives of a business, division or department to achieve maximum profit effectiveness, the establishment of policies and the continuous seeking and finding of new ways to do things. Implementing applies to the doing phases. After plans have been prepared, personnel must be selected and assigned their jobs; they must be trained and motivated to perform properly. Activities must be implemented in terms of the plans initially developed. This may include I. Selecting personnel II. Training personnel III. Motivating personnel IV. Delegation, V. Direction VI. Coordinating. Controlling refers to the evaluation of the performance of those who are responsible for executing the plans agreed upon. This may include: I. Controlling adherence to plans, and II. Appraising performance 2. Principles of Management Fayol has given fourteen principles of management. These principles are as fallows 1. Division of work: Fayol has advocated division of work to take the advantage of specialization. According to him, ‘specialization belongs to the natural order. The worker always works on the same matters, the manager concerned always with the same matters; acquire an ability, sureness, and accuracy, which increase their output’. Each change of work brings in it training and adaptation, which reduces output. Thus, division of work can be applied at all levels in the organization. However, he has recognized the limitations of division of work and has advocated that experience and sense of proportion will decide the extent to which division of work can be utilized fruitfully. 2. Authority and Responsibility: The authority and responsibility are related, with the latter the corollary of the former and arising from the former. He finds authority as a continuation of official and personnel factors. Official authority is derived from the manager’s position and personal authority is derived from intelligence, experience, moral worth, past services, etc. Responsibility arises out of assigning the work. 3. Discipline: All the personnel serving in the organization should be disciplined. Discipline is obedience, application, energy, behavior, and outward mark of respect shown by employees. Discipline can be classified into two types: self-imposed discipline and command discipline. The former springs form within the individual and are in the nature of spontaneous response to a skillful leader. Command discipline stems from a recognized authority and utilizes deterrents to secure compliance with a desired action, which is expressed by established customs, rules, and regulations. The ultimate strength of command discipline lies in its certainty of application. 4. Unity of command: Unity of command means a person in the organization should receive orders from only one superior. The more completely an individual has a reporting relationship to a single superior, the less the problem of conflict in instructions and the greater the feeling of personal responsibility for results. The principle of unity of command Is useful in the clarification of authority-responsibility relationship. 5. Unity of Direction Unity of direction means ‘one unit and one plan’. According to this principle, each group of activities with same objectives with same objective must have one head and one plan. The unity of direction is different from unity of command in the sense that former is concerned with the functioning of body corporate; the latter is concerned with personnel at all level. Unity of direction is provided for by sound organization of the body corporate, unity of command turn on the functioning of the personnel. Unity of command exists without unity of direction, but does not flow from it. 6. Subordination of individual to general interest: Command interest is above the individual interest and when there is conflict between these two, the common interest must prevail. However, factors like ambition, laziness, weakness etc. tend to reduce the importance of general interest. 7. Remuneration of Personnel: Remuneration and methods of payment should be fair and provide maximum possible satisfaction to employees and employers. 8. Centralization: Everything, which goes to increase the importance of the subordinate’s role, is decentralization; everything, which goes to reduce it, is centralization. Without using the term ‘centralization of authority’. This pattern is determined by individual circumstances and should be based on optimum utilization of all faculties of the personnel. 9. Scalar Chain: There should be a scalar chain of authority and communication ranging from the highest to lowest positions. It suggests that each communication going up or coming down must flow through each position in the line of authority. It can be short-circuited only in special circumstances when its rigid following would be determined to the organization. For this purpose, Fayol has suggested ‘gang palnk’ , which is used to prevent the scalar chain from bogging down action. 10. Order: Both material order and social order are necessary. The former minimizes lost time and useless handling of materials. The latter is achieved through organization and selection. 11. Equity: In running a business a combination of kindliness and justice is needed. Treating employees well is important to achieve equity. 12. Stability of Tenure of Personnel: Employees work better if job security and career progress are assured to them. An insecure tenure and a high rate of employee turnover will affect the organization adversely. 13. Initiative: Allowing all personnel to show their initiative in some way is a source of strength for the organization. Even though it may well involve a sacrifice of personnel vanity on the part of many managers. 14. Espirt de Corps: Management must foster the morale of its employees. â€Å"Real talent is needed the coordinate effort, encourage keenness, use each person’s abilities and reward each one’s merit without arousing possible jealousness and disturbing harmonious relations†. Techniques of Effective Coordination The basic objective of all managerial functions is to get things done by coordinated efforts of others. Thus, every function leads to coordination. However, following are the specific techniques for achieving coordination: Coordination by Chain of Command: In an organization, the chain of command is the most important methods of coordination. Superior, because of his organizational position, has the authority to issue orders and instructions to his subordinates. Weber has indicated that in a controlled administration coordination is achieved. Coordination by Leadership: Leadership brings individual motivation and persuades the group to have identified of interests and outlook in group efforts. Ordway Tead has stated that top management should practice leadership because without it, no coordination can be achieved. In fact, whatever is necessary for effective leadership is also required for coordination. Coordination by Effective Communication: Communication helps to developing understanding between individuals or groups among whom coordination is to be achieved. Through communication, every person understands his scope and limits of functioning, authority and responsibility, and relationship with others. Thus, effective communication provides horizontal as well as vertical coordination if there is free and adequate flow of communication in all directions.-horizontal, vertical, upward and downward. Communication to be effective does not require only a communication network but to keep the network free from any barrier, which effects flow of messages adversely. Coordination by Committees: Committees are the body of persons entrusted with discharging some functions collectively as group. Some committees have the authority to take decisions and others make recommendations only. The decisions of the committees are group decisions and the persons whose departments are affected by decisions generally constitute the committees. Thus the decisions themselves provide coordination among various functions of the organization. Coordination by General Staff: Generally, in big organizations there is general staff meant for  coordination. This staff employs a central position in communication network. All the heads of departments and sections send the various information to this center. This center stores the information and sends to various departments’ only relevant and related information. This center, because of its specialized knowledge, is able to assess the relevance and need of various information for a department. Thus, the coordination is achieved by supplying inter-departmental information. Special Coordinators: In some organizations, special coordinators are appointed for coordinating some special activities. For example, in a particular project, along with various functionaries, a project coordinator is appointed. His basic function is to coordinate various activities of the project and to keep information about the development of project so that he can provide it to the party concerned for which the project Is being completed. Such projects are generally taken on contract basis which are to be completed within the specified time. Self-coordination: This principles states that a particular department affects other departments and in turn is affected by them. However, this department has no control over others. In such a case, if other departments modify their actions in such a way that this affects the particular department favorably, self-coordination is achieved. This requires effective communication across the department so that they are able to appreciate the functioning of related departments. However, this method is not free from limitations and shortcomings, and in the organization, favorable climate and environment need to be created for self-control. Features of an Open Door Organization 1) An open door organization is task oriented. The accountability is clearly defined. 2) The authority (within the related functional area) is also absolute (or nearly so) matching the absolute character of the accountability. 3) Consultations are minimum and are not compulsive; the executive is free to consult and communicate (or otherwise) so long as he performs and delivers the objective. 4) Rules and procedures exist but only as guides-the executives (within their sphere of responsibilities)  having wide freedom of discretion to depart from the rules within the periphery of the broad corporate policies. 5) The accountability is clear-cut; objective is verifiable – in terms of cost, output target, time and profit. The means are (relatively) unimportant so long as the end is achieved. 6) The managerial behavior is highly flexible bending with lithe suppleness to the internal shifts in conditions and external maneuvers of the environmental zone of contract.